Past Test Questions: Social & Political Philosophy
Answers at end. Because these
questions draw on different textbooks and topics covered
in different semesters, not all of them apply to any particular course
in a semester.
1.
The
primary task
of social or political philosophy is to describe different social or
political systems,
not to determine which of those systems are more justified or desirable.
2.
Issues
about the
legitimacy of political authority are not addressed in political philosophy
because such issues involve making value judgments about whether
political
institutions or government are justified.
3.
Political
philosophy deals with questions about whether political authority
(e.g.,
government, law) is justified.
4.
Because
inequalities of wealth among nations are not matters of justice, they
are not
addressed in social philosophy.
5.
According
to
Plato, because human beings are naturally greedy and envious, they are
also
naturally anti-social.
6.
Plato
rejects
democratic forms of government because most people in society lack the
knowledge and emotional control to make informed and rational decisions
about
governmental policies.
7.
According
to
Plato, most people in society (that is, the working class) lack the
knowledge
and emotional control to make informed and rational decisions about
governmental policies.
8.
Plato
argues
that political leaders can rule wisely and impartially only if they
have no
private lives or property.
9.
In
Plato's view,
because the rulers of a State do not aim to promote their own happiness
or
self-interests, they do not need to follow the civil laws which they
themselves
establish.
10.
According
to
Plato, because the rulers of a society are motivated solely by their
self-less
commitment to the welfare of the State, they do not have to be told the
"noble lie."
11.
According
to
Plato, even the rulers of a society have to be told the "noble lie"
so that they are motivated to pursue lives of self-less commitment to
the
welfare of the State.
12.
According
to
Plato, just as harmony in the soul requires that reason, spirit, and
appetites
share dominance, so harmony in society requires that rulers, enforcers,
and
workers also share opportunities for control.
13.
In
Plato's
theory of the state, justice is ultimately achieved when the ruling
class is
able to do away with social inequalities by driving the military and
working
classes out of society.
14.
In
the Hobbesian state of nature, every
person has the right to
any thing as long as no one else makes a claim to the same thing.
15.
Hobbes
argues
that in the state of nature no one has any natural rights because there
is no
sovereign or civil law in the state of nature.
16.
According
to
Hobbes, the decision to give up one's natural rights to the sovereign
is a
rational, self-interested act.
17.
For
Hobbes, the
state (i.e., government) is necessary to force individuals to respect
the lives
of others and the covenants or laws that make social
existence possible.
18.
In
Hobbes's
absolutist political philosophy, nothing is right or wrong, just or
unjust,
apart from being designated as such by the law.
19.
In
Hobbes'
absolutist political philosophy, individuals agree to allow the
sovereign
(i.e., the state) to decide what is right or wrong for them in order to
avoid
the terror of life in the state of nature.
20.
For
Hobbes, the
laws of nature--individuals should seek peace, yield their natural
rights to
obtain freedom, and keep covenants--can justifiably be violated only if
individuals think of better alternatives.
21.
According
to
Hobbes, our natural impulse to seek peace by yielding natural rights to
obtain
freedom and keeping the social contract can justifiably be violated
only if we
think of better alternatives.
22.
According
to
Hobbes, natural law dictates that in order to survive and achieve peace
we must
act rationally and yield our right to decide right and wrong to a
sovereign.
23.
According
to
Hobbes, our lives in the state of nature are "solitary, poor, nasty,
brutish, and short" because in the state of nature we have no natural
rights--not even the right to do what is necessary to survive.
24.
Though
Hobbes
accepts the theory of a social contract, he does not believe
that
individuals should abide by it and follow the laws of their society
when they
disagree with the sovereign.
25.
Hobbes
argues
that rebellion against the sovereign is never justified because the
sovereign
(as the will of all individuals in a society that there be
one voice) determines what is right.
26.
According
to
Hobbes, though most human beings need to be forced to live sociably
through
laws, some are not obligated to obey laws because they are naturally
altruistic
(i.e., concerned for others).
27.
Critics
point out
that Hobbes does not allow for revising laws or holding authorities
accountable
because he does not explain how the sovereign (or government) can
enforce laws.
28.
According
to Locke,
the right to own property has its basis not in any civil law
established by
government but in the God-given law of nature.
29.
According
to
Locke, the primary purpose of government/law is to protect our life,
liberty,
and especially property.
30.
According
to
Locke's version of classical liberalism, the purpose of government and
laws is
to resolve conflicts among individuals who have a natural right to
protect
themselves and their property.
31.
According
to
Locke, in societies where governments are formed by means of social
contracts,
individuals freely give up all of their rights (including that of
revolting
against the government).
32.
According
to
Locke, when a government violates the natural rights of its citizens
(e.g., to
life, liberty, property), it fails to uphold the social contract and
can
justifiably be overthrown.
33.
According
to
Locke, political revolution and civil disobedience are permitted if the
State
does not represent the will of the people or fails to protect private
property.
34.
In
the state of
nature, according to Locke, each person has the right to punish anyone
who
violates his or her rights.
35.
Locke
notes that
we have a natural right to own whatever we produce as long as we can
use it
before it spoils.
36.
In
the state of
nature Locke describes, solitary individuals live according to rational
self-interest.
37.
A
hypothetical or
tacit consent to a form of government or a system of laws is that
consent which
a person gives in choosing to stay in a country.
38.
Critics
of Locke
note that tacit consent to a government is often uninformed and
unavoidable, thus no real consent.
39.
Critics
of the
social contract (e.g., Hume) point out that, even though we have
voluntarily
and knowingly agreed to such a contract, each one of us has a legal
right not
to have to follow it.
40.
Against
Hobbes
and Locke, Hume says that most people never voluntarily or knowingly
agree to a
social contract.
41.
According
to
Locke, tacit consent to abide by governmental authority extends only to
those
laws with which the individual agrees.
42.
Unlike
Hobbes,
Locke argues that the social contract that forms the basis of political
obligation is made between the people and the sovereign (i.e., the
government
or State).
43.
Even
though
Hobbes and Locke appeal to the social contract to describe how citizens
are obligated
to obey the law, they do not appeal to social contract to explain why
we have
States at all.
44.
Rousseau
claims
that civil society perverts natural virtues by making people care more
about
being law-abiding and polite rather than being moral and sincere.
45.
According
to
Rousseau, I am obligated to obey a law as an expression of the general
will except
if I disagree with the law.
46.
According
to
Rousseau, we are obligated to obey laws only if we have willed them for
ourselves, because externally-imposed laws are based on force and thus
are not
morally binding.
47.
In
civil
society, Rousseau claims, individuals become more sincere and motivated
to act
morally insofar as they respond to laws forcing them to act politely.
48.
In
civil
society, Rousseau claims, individuals are more sincere and motivated to
act
morally when they are forced to conform
their
naturally evil inclinations to the general will.
49.
Natural
virtues
like self-love or pity, Rousseau argues, are destroyed the moment we
enter into
a "social contract" to follow, along with others, the general will.
50.
Rousseau
denies
that the general will depends on the consent of individuals
because, for
him, individuals themselves depend on the State for their very
existence,
identity, and fulfillment.
51.
For
Rousseau,
moral distinctions (e.g., good-bad) emerge in societies or communities
prior to
the "legal-illegal" distinction established in civil society.
52.
According
to
Rousseau, a citizen is bound by the social contract only if he or she
engages
in the contract freely and benefits from the arrangement.
53.
Like
Rousseau,
Mill argues that it is the responsibility of the State to improve the
moral
sensibilities of its citizens through laws.
54.
Hobbes,
Locke,
and Rousseau agree that individuals considered apart from or prior to
their
participation in society are in the "state of nature."
55.
In
Rawls' liberal
theory of the state, a society cannot be considered just unless it does
away
with inequalities in wealth, prestige, power, or social rank.
56.
In
Rawls' theory,
a just society could permit inequalities in wealth or authority only if
the
existence of such inequalities guarantees that everyone has exactly the
same
(equal) benefits and burdens in society.
57.
According
to
Rawls, rational individuals in a just society could endorse a system
that
distributes wealth unequally as long as such inequalities benefit and
are
accessible to everyone.
58.
In
Rawls'
description of the just state, governments attempt to give all citizens
the
ability to engage equally in social interactions.
59.
According
to
Rawls' liberal social contract, since no one deserves anything
(e.g.,
inherited wealth) apart from what the social contract indicates is
fair,
governmental redistribution of wealth is justified.
60.
In
Rawls' liberal
state, inequalities of birth are corrected by redistributing wealth so
that
everyone is equally wealthy.
61.
In
Rawls' liberal theory
of justice, all citizens share in a
society's wealth and
have equal economic opportunities.
62.
In
Rawls' theory
of justice as fairness, because no one knows (under the "veil of
ignorance") what social position he will occupy, no one should be
willing
to accept social inequalities.
63.
By
adopting a
"veil of ignorance," every person in Rawls' just society claims not
to know whether his or her amount of liberty is compatible with a
similar
liberty for others.
64.
In
order to
implement a social system consistent with the theory of justice he
outlines,
Rawls indicates that a "principle of redress" must be enacted to
correct undeserved inequities.
65.
Communitarians
(e.g., Aristotle, Hegel) say that the State is unnecessary because
people are
naturally inclined to form communities without having to adopt the laws
and
government characteristic of State existence.
66.
Communitarians
(e.g., Aristotle, Hegel) argue that even though we develop culturally
through
political interactions, we cannot achieve freedom in relation to others
as long
as the State exists.
67.
Communitarians
such as Aristotle and Hegel argue that individuals rely on the State so
that
they can exercise their freedom in relation to others and develop
civility and
culture.
68.
For
Aristotle
social virtue is possible only if social inequalities (e.g.,
differences in
wealth, talent) are eliminated.
69.
Aristotle
argues
that the existence of social inequalities is unjust because in such an
environment both the poor and the rich are unable to participate fully
in
deliberation about the common good.
70.
Critics
point
out that the communitarian focus on the "public good" inhibits the
development of diverse (e.g., multicultural) views.
71.
Unlike
Hobbes and
Locke, Marx claims that there is no natural right to private property.
72.
In
Marx's view,
the liberal claim that every individual acts in self-interested ways is
the
unnatural and anti-human product of the externalization of productive
labor.
73.
According
to
Marx, since government is needed only to protect private property, the
need for
government will disappear when private property is communally owned.
74.
According
to
Marx, by alienating their labor in private property, human beings
regain the
freedom to pursue their individual interests.
75.
In
capitalism,
Marx notes, the reason why people obey laws and are concerned for
others
depends on self-interest or fear of punishment.
76.
According
to
Marx, because individuals are naturally interested in owning private
property,
the social concern for others implicit in communism has to be taught to
them by
means of laws.
77.
In a
capitalist
society the worker (according to Marx) is alienated from himself
because he has
no control over the products of his labor.
78.
According
to
Marx, the alienation of workers from their labor and from one
another is
the result of their natural, human need to own private property.
79.
According
to
Marx, the alienation of workers from their labor and from one another
is the
result of their natural inclination to promote their rational
self-interest.
80.
According
to
Marx, human beings are naturally sociable and like to work because they
define
what and who they are by means of their labor.
81.
Marx
claims that
when people are no longer alienated from the products of their labor
and from
one another by the economic relations imposed in capitalism, their
lives will
once again have meaning.
82.
Marx
claims that
after the revolution of the proletariat (working class), the value of
workers
will no longer be defined in terms of their labor.
83.
Marx
emphasizes
retributive rather than distributive justice because, for him, the
State
provides the means for each person to contribute according to his/her
ability
and to receive according to his/her need.
84.
According
to
Marx, in a just society obligations would be distributed according to
individuals' abilities and
resources would be distributed
according to individuals' needs.
85.
According
to
Marx, the bourgeoisie (the ruling class) controls law, art, and
even
thought by controlling property.
86.
As
the goal of
history, the communist revolution will occur (according to Marx) when
all
members of society recognize how people have always been free from
economic
influences.
87.
Because
the
civil disobedient and the political revolutionary both challenge the
laws of a
country, they are identical--especially regarding the reasons they give
for
their actions.
88.
Because
retribution serves a purpose--namely, giving someone what is due to him
or
her--it is generally considered a utilitarian justification for
punishment.
89.
In
the
retributive notion of justice, the purpose of punishment is to change
the
person's character so that he or she does not commit such offenses
again.
90.
Theories
of
distributive justice describe how social benefits and responsibilities
should
be arranged based on what people have done rather than simply
on their
being members of a society.
91.
A
utilitarian
theory of justice is called an egalitarian theory because it claims
that the
most just system produces the greatest amount of happiness for the
greatest
number of people.
92.
In a
utilitarian
theory of justice, all persons are thought to have a right to equal
treatment
except when social expedience requires otherwise.
93.
Utilitarian
justice respects claims of individuals (e.g., to life, liberty) when
such
claims are natural or God-given rights, regardless of whether the
society
benefits from recognizing those rights.
94.
According
to
anarchists, because governments have a legitimate interest in the
well-being of
their citizens, they are justified in passing laws forcing people to
improve
themselves.
95.
According
to
anarchists, laws and governmental involvement in individuals' lives
tend to
undermine the internalization of personal values.
96.
According
to the
anarchist, no state-based legislation can be morally justified because
all
governmental intrusions into the lives of individuals are infringements
on
their freedom.
97.
In Nozick's minimal state theory, redistribution of
wealth
through taxation is a form of state-sponsored theft because it violates
our
right to use our property as we see fit.
98.
In Nozick's minimal state theory, the proper role
for
government is to protect the rights of rational, self-interested
individuals who
want to act without external interference.
99.
According
to Nozick's minimal state theory of
government, taxation to
finance efforts to protect private property violates an individual's
right to
decide how to distribute his or her property.
100.
According
to Nozick,
taxation for anything other than protection (e.g., to redistribute
wealth) is
unjust because it ignores how goods are acquired fairly through trade,
labor,
gifts, etc.
101.
For
opponents to the socialist welfare state, the
right to own property is as basic as the rights to life and liberty
because,
without property, the other two rights are not possible.
102.
Socialism
assumes that people do not always act in
rationally self-interested ways and therefore need to rely on social
institutions for their own welfare.
103.
Welfare-state
capitalism results when the government
controls social and economic interactions that are irrational or
uninformed
(and thus are not guided by the "invisible hand" of the
marketplace).
104.
In a
welfare state, only the very wealthy benefit
from government supports (e.g., farm subsidies, tax incentives) because
only
the wealthy know what is in their own self-interest.
105.
Though
they otherwise differ, Marx, Nozick, and
Rawls define justice in retributive, not
distributive, terms.
106.
According
to J. S. Mill, we can avoid the
"tyranny of the majority" primarily by ensuring that private matters
are not treated as matters needing public regulation.
107.
According
to J. S. Mill, because governments have a
legitimate interest in the well-being of their citizens, they are
justified in
passing laws forcing people to improve themselves.
108.
According
to J. S. Mill, limits on individual liberty
are appropriate only when the majority of people in a society approve
of them.
109.
According
to J. S. Mill, the government is justified
in preventing people from hurting themselves and forcing them to
improve their
personal lives only if such a policy is supported by the majority of a
society.
110.
Classical
liberal democratic theory (such as is
developed by J. S. Mill) assumes that individuals are motivated to act
in ways
that they see as being in their own rational self-interest.
111.
The
classical liberalism of J. S. Mill is similar to
what today is called civil libertarianism to the extent that he says
that
individuals should generally be allowed to pursue their own interests
without
governmental interference.
112.
Laissez-faire
liberalism presumes that because
individuals seldom act in rational, self-interested ways, they must be
guided
(in their private as well as public lives) by civil laws.
113.
Like
civil libertarians, classical liberals (e.g.,
Locke) argue that the State is justified in passing laws regulating
personal
behavior (e.g., drug use, abortion, sexual activity) because people
cannot be
trusted to act properly.
114.
Civil
libertarians claim that the task of government
is to implement the moral beliefs of a society in laws, even if that
means
limiting the freedom of individuals who adopt different moral values.
115.
Libertarians
argue that we are obligated to obey the
laws of the State only to the extent that those laws protect and
preserve the
freedom of the individual to act in ways that do not harm others.
116.
Libertarians
argue that governmental involvement in
individuals' lives violates their rights to do what they want (even if
what
they want is to hurt themselves).
117.
Libertarians
argue that, because government should
protect the rights of individuals to express themselves freely, there
should be
no laws against libel or fraud (which are forms of self-expression).
118.
Libertarians
argue that laws should not prevent a
rational adult from hurting himself if he wants to do that.
119.
Libertarians
say that government has no right to
enact laws to protect people from themselves or force them to help
others live
a good life because no one has a civil (i.e., legal) right to a good
life.
120.
Because
libertarians support the free exchange of
goods and services, they claim that the State has no right to establish
laws
that protect individuals from being tricked or otherwise harmed.
121.
Libertarians
claim that because citizens need to be
educated about how their actions can cause harm to others, public
education
must be a responsibility of government.
122.
According
to libertarians, individuals should not be
forced by law to give up their freedom or property (e.g., in taxation)
unless
such practices improve the lives of others in the society.
123.
Civil
libertarians adopt a negative notion of freedom
insofar as they emphasize the right of individuals to be free from
interference
by others.
124.
A
right is a justified claim to something that imposes
duties or obligations on others.
125.
Positive
rights are rights that are guaranteed by
society's doing
something (rather than not doing
something).
126.
The
positive notion of freedom--or simply, positive
freedom--is the ability to do something (e.g., achieve a desired goal)
due to
one's natural skill or through help or guidance from someone else.
127.
Negative
freedom is the freedom to be able to act
without external interference.
128.
Positive
freedom is the ability to do something which
is made possible by someone's (e.g., society's) doing something
(rather
than not doing something).
129.
According
to legal positivists, there is no justice,
injustice, or political legitimacy apart from what is established by
those who
have the power to enforce their wills.
130.
Like
legal positivists, political realists argue that
laws are obligating only if they respect human rights.
131.
"Just war"
theorists argue that war is an evil that is morally justified for
self-defense
if pursued by a legitimate authority with good intentions, a reasonable
probability of success, and care for non-combatants.
Multiple Choice
132.
Which
of the following IS NOT an example of a
typical question in social philosophy?
(a)
What makes certain kinds of actions moral or immoral?
(b)
What should be the role of government and law in a society?
(c)
What is justice?
(d)
Under what conditions is the State
justified in
exercising coercive political authority?
133.
According
to Plato, because average people lack the
knowledge and control of emotions necessary to make informed and
rational
decisions about governmental policies and laws, they should entrust
such
matters to:
(a) those who have the most power--that is, those who (as the legal
positivists
say) are able to enforce the law.
(b) no one other than themselves, for
(despite their
shortcomings) they are always able to judge for themselves.
(c) the general consensus or will of the
community, as
determined by adopting the "veil of ignorance."
(d) those who know what a community's best
interests
are and who control their emotions (i.e., philosophers).
134.
Plato
says that social and political order depends on
our accepting the "noble lie" that:
(a) unlike other people, philosophers are not naturally inclined to
form
societies.
(b) certain people have a God-given right
to rule over
those whom nature selects as lower (working) class.
(c) we avoid anomie (aimlessness)
by replacing
lower class self-interest (greed) with philosophic selflessness.
(d) because philosophers think not of their
own
self-interests but the interests of society, they should rule.
135.
According
to Plato, humans are naturally social
beings due to our inability to survive by ourselves. He points out,
however,
that without a definite structure to guide our interactions, we cannot
exist
socially. In particular we must control greed and envy by means of:
(a) making all members of society equal in power or prestige by
outlawing
private property.
(b) telling people a "noble lie" that
justifies class differences in property ownership and power.
(c) prohibiting the movement of anyone from
one class
to another class.
(d) allowing the guardians to have some fun
and own
some things, and the workers to share some power.
136.
In
Plato's State, greed and property ownership motivate
the working class to produce goods for society. Rulers and law
enforcers,
however, are not permitted to own property or to have their own spouses
or
families because:
(a) the enforcers are used to following orders, whereas the rulers are
more inclined
to give orders.
(b) having a family or owning property
gives
individuals a sense of purpose, meaning, and direction, thus avoiding anomie.
(c) property ownership and family relations
are
foundations on which all political commitments are based.
(d) concern for private or personal matters
would turn
their attention away from their public responsibilities.
137.
Plato
says that only rational, self-restrained
philosophers should rule, because ordinary citizens cannot be trusted
to put
the interests of the State ahead of their own. A typical response
to
Plato's worries about democratic forms of government is to point out
that he
overlooks the fact that:
(a) even rational, self-restrained philosopher-kings cannot be trusted
to
promote the general good.
(b) no one will be willing to become a
political
leader if it requires a lifetime of study and commitment.
(c)
citizens can develop a system of checks and
balances
that prevent the majority from abusing power in a democracy.
(d)
most ordinary citizens prefer democracies
over
philosopher-ruled kingdoms.
138.
Critics
object to Plato's claim
that only philosopher-kings should rule by pointing out that such a
plan:
(a) is elitist and
could not be implemented because most
people in a society are too irrational to accept it.
(b)
proposes democracy as the best form of
government
because it allows all individuals to participate.
(c)
cannot explain how people would know which
class
(ruler, enforcer, worker) they belonged to.
(d)
provides no guidance about which political
decisions
are philosophically better than others.
139.
"Where
there is no coercive power erected, that
is, where there is no commonwealth, there is no propriety; all men
having right
to all things: therefore, where there is no commonwealth, there is
nothing
unjust." Here Hobbes notes that without the state and the contract
to
follow laws:
(a) any act is permissible.
(b) all acts, except immoral acts in the
state of
nature, are permissible.
(c) only acts that violate the laws or that
undermine
the political covenant have moral meaning.
(d) morality and legality are equally
meaningless in
the commonwealth: there is only power.
140.
"It
is manifest that, during the time men live
without a common power to keep them all in awe, they are in that
condition
which is call war, and such a war as is of every man against every
man." In this passage:
(a) Plato indicates why a just system of social existence cannot permit
individuals to pursue their own self-interests.
(b) Hobbes describes the state of nature condition of human beings
unregulated
by law.
(c)
(d) Rousseau recommends that threats of punishment educate children to
obey the
law.
141.
In
Hobbes' state of nature, people are in a war of
"all against all" because they compete for scarce resources and:
(a) act irrationally--that is, contrary to natural law.
(b) rely on government to protect private property.
(c) do not agree on what is right, proper, or just.
(d) defy legal positivism (i.e., the sovereign's will).
142.
"It
is manifest that, during the time men live
without a common power to keep them all in awe, they are in that
condition
which is call war, and such a war as is of every man against every
man."
Here Hobbes:
(a) indicates why a just society cannot permit individuals to pursue
their own
self-interests.
(b) describes the state of nature situation in which human beings are
unregulated by law.
(c) provides the justification for why a people (e.g., British
subjects) should
free themselves from the tyranny of an authoritarian dictatorship.
(d) shows how threats of punishment educate citizens (like children) on
how to
obey the law.
143.
Hobbes
says that there are many reasons why we need
to be coerced (forced) to live sociably. Which of the following IS
NOT
one of those reasons?
(a) We are never satisfied with what we have, and we are always being
offended
by others or feel superior to others, even for no apparent reason.
(b) Our different ways of reasoning and understanding what words mean
cause us
to imagine what we think of as better ways things could be done.
(c) We can create political obligations in a State (i.e., a
"commonwealth") only by agreeing to give up our individual wills to
create a sovereign will.
(d) We do not naturally agree with one another about what is for our
common
good because we always pursue our private good.
144.
In
civil society, Hobbes argues, people are obligated
to follow the dictates of the sovereign because:
(a) the sovereign embodies the people's will that a uniform set of laws
be
enforced to bring about peace.
(b) in the state of nature the sovereign is the strongest and most
likely
person to be rational in civil society.
(c) by virtue of his/her birth, the sovereign is God's chosen leader
and thus
demands obedience from subjects.
(d) without a sovereign, there is no civil or natural law.
145.
Which
of the following IS NOT one of Hobbes'
fundamental laws of nature?
(a) Every person ought to seek peace and to defend himself or herself
in war.
(b) In order to achieve peace, individuals should give up their rights
as long
as others do likewise.
(c) Anyone who disagrees with the sovereign has a moral right to follow
his or
her conscience.
(d) Individuals should abide by their covenants.
146.
Which
of the following IS NOT one of Hobbes'
fundamental laws of nature?
(a) We should seek peace and defend ourselves against those who would
destroy
us.
(b) It is rational to yield our natural rights in a social contract to
be free
of the fear of being killed.
(c) We should keep our covenants, especially our agreement to obey the
law
established by the sovereign.
(d) We should always follow our consciences, even when they conflict
with the
laws of the state.
147.
Some
critics of Hobbes ask that, if people enter into
a social contract because they acknowledge that it is the rational
thing
to do, then why can't they rely on their natural rationality to relate
to one
another without having to form a government or to institute
laws? Hobbes
replies that:
(a) even in the state of nature, rational individuals may disagree on
what is
appropriate behavior; the purpose of government and law is to resolve
such
conflicts.
(b) in their natural state, human beings only appear to be
rational;
they really are irrational, and that is why they need government and
laws to
restraint their behavior.
(c) the formation of a government and a system of laws is imposed by
the
sovereign on citizens against their will; it certainly is not the
rational act
of autonomous beings.
(d) since laws are concerned only with the well-being of others,
self-interested behavior is never rational.
148.
Which
of the following IS NOT an objection
typically raised against Hobbes' absolutist political philosophy?
(a) Hobbes' pessimistic view of human nature ignores the fact that
human beings
can act altruistically.
(b) Hobbes' elimination of individual civil rights is too extreme: some
freedoms should be retained in order to be able to revise laws and hold
authorities accountable.
(c) Hobbes' theory tells us that disobeying the law will be detrimental
to us,
but it does not tell us why we shouldn't disobey the law when
we think
can get away with it.
(d) Hobbes' attacks on human reason and speech do not explain why we
have to be
forced to live sociably.
149.
Hobbes
argues that civil disobedience is never
justified based on appeals to so-called civil rights, because those
very
rights:
(a) require that each person follow his conscience in deciding whether
to obey
the law.
(b) do not exist apart from their recognition in law.
(c) are matters of political or civil interest, and are not matters of
ethical
concern.
(d) cannot be violated unless we agree to obey the law.
150.
According
to Hobbes, rebellion against the sovereign
cannot be justified by claiming that the sovereign fails to live up to
his end
of the social contract because:
(a) it is the sovereign who forces subjects to form a social contract
in the
first place.
(b) the sovereign's way of distinguishing between right and wrong is
based on
his selfishness, not natural law.
(c) not even the sovereign can keep all his promises, especially those
established in the social contract.
(d) the sovereign does not agree to, and thus cannot fail to abide by,
a
contract with his subjects.
151.
Hobbes
argues that no revolt against the sovereign is
ever justified--unless, of course, the revolution succeeds, in which
case it
would be justified because:
(a) in the state of nature, every act (even an attack on the sovereign)
is
morally justified.
(b) the possibility of political revolution keeps rulers from doing
things that
would harm the State.
(c) political revolts destroy the social contract and allow individuals
to
reclaim their natural rights.
(d) as the new rulers, the revolutionaries can designate their previous
acts as
justified.
152.
Hobbes
claims that fear drives people out of a state
of nature in which there are no universally agreed-upon moral
distinctions, but
Locke claims that:
(a) in the state of nature the sovereign determines moral distinctions,
but in
civil society the people decide.
(b) resources in the state of nature (vs. civil society) are plentiful,
so
moral distinctions are unnecessary.
(c) there are moral distinctions in the state of nature, but civil
society
offers hope for an even better life.
(d) moral distinctions in the state of nature are established by God,
but in
civil society there is no morality.
153.
Because
Hobbes and Locke disagree on whether the state
of nature is characterized by scarcity or plenty, they disagree on
whether
personal relations in the state of nature can be considered moral. How?
(a) Hobbes says that prior to civil society there is no morality;
whereas Locke
says that acting morally means acting in accord with God's natural laws
(even
apart from civil society).
(b) For Hobbes, the state of nature is a war of "all against all";
whereas for Locke, individuals in the state of nature are indifferent
to one
another (and thus treat each other immorally).
(c) In Hobbes' state of nature, individuals compete for scarce
resources and
often act immorally, but for Locke, humans in the state of nature
cooperate to
make their personal lives better.
(d) For Hobbes, acting morally means acting simply to survive, even if
others
don't; for Locke, it means overcoming aggressive instincts in order to
achieve
peace in the state of nature.
154.
According
to Locke, human beings have a natural,
God-given right to own property insofar as they:
(a) make the products of their labor available to other people and
distribute
those products to others.
(b) limit their property-claims only to what is recognized as
legitimate by
civil laws.
(c) transform nature, through their labor, into something they can use
before
those goods spoil.
(d) can transform what they own into money or other forms of wealth.
155.
Hobbes
and Locke are referred to as classical
liberals rather than conservatives because they believe that:
(a) individuals naturally act in rational, self-interested ways.
(b) individuals need to leave the state of nature in order to have
guidance
from civil laws.
(c) individuals need governmental restraint only regarding economic
(e.g.,
property) matters.
(d) a society or community can guide individuals' behavior without
government
or civil laws.
156.
According
to classical liberals like Locke, "The
reason why men enter into society is the preservation of their
property."
Since one's rightful claims to property are limited to one's labor, the
ability
to use the property, and the needs of others, the primary role of
government
is:
(a) to distribute the products of labor "each according to his ability,
each according to his need."
(b) to implement laws that educate individuals about how they should
share with
others.
(c) to limit the extent to which individuals are permitted to engage in
trade
in property.
(d) to arbitrate conflicts in property claims and to facilitate the
exchange of
productive labor.
157.
"The great and
chief end of men uniting into
commonwealths and putting themselves under government, is the
preservation of
their property." Here:
(a)
Locke explains why human beings form societies.
(b)
Rawls presents the "original
position" of
society.
(c)
Rousseau describes the general will's
origin.
(d)
Hume explains how tacit consent arises.
158.
"The
great and chief end, therefore, of men's
uniting into commonwealths and putting themselves under government is
the
preservation of their property." In this passage:
(a) Rousseau warns against either relying for our happiness on the
things we
own or depending on government to protect our property.
(b)
Plato claims that, because just and equitable systems of government are
formed
from behind the veil of ignorance, no one can know how much property he
will
have.
(c)
Hobbes shows why concentrating on this-worldly possessions (property)
forces
men to turn away from God and toward civil authority.
(d)
Locke points out that individuals form governments because they want to
improve
and protect the resources necessary for them to live well.
159.
Locke
argues that individuals in the state of nature
recognize the need for government and laws, because in the state of
nature:
(a) the government has a God-given right to take property away from
individuals, even when those individuals have labored to make that
property
their own.
(b) wealth is distributed based solely on ability or inheritance,
whereas in
civil society wealth is distributed based on need.
(c) moral distinctions are themselves based on civil laws, not on
natural
rights.
(d) there are no impartial judges, precise laws, or sufficient powers
to
protect natural rights and to restrain excessive punishment of
violations of
the moral law.
160.
According
to Locke, political revolution (and civil
disobedience) is permitted if the political authority is unable or
unwilling to
protect private property. In such a case, authority reverts back to the
people
(society). Such a reversion of power would be impossible in Hobbes'
account
because, for Hobbes:
(a) each person must follow his/her conscience, regardless of what the
government or law says.
(b) disobeying the law is always justified as long as the law-breaker
thinks it
is in his/her best interest.
(c) apart from the organization provided by the sovereign's laws, there
is no
"people," only individuals.
(d) there is no implicit consent to accept the government, so how the
government acts does not matter.
161.
According
to Locke's form of classical liberalism,
civil disobedience is permitted only when:
(a) there is a conflict among individuals about how to resolve disputes
over
private property.
(b) individuals in the state of nature recognize that cooperation can
improve
their impoverished state.
(c) the state fails to represent the people or to protect property
rights.
(d) violating the law is the only way that people can express tacit
consent.
162.
Locke
argues that, because the authority of the State
comes from the people, civil laws are binding only on those who have
consented
to be governed. To critics who claim that most people have never given
such
consent, he replies:
(a) only a few people ever really understand the law, so it does not
matter
whether they consent to it or not.
(b) the obligation to obey civil law contradicts our explicit intention
(and
consent) to obey the law of God.
(c) our consent to follow civil law depends on how much property we
need to
have protected by government.
(d) anyone who lives in a country and is protected by its laws gives
tacit
(implied) consent to be governed.
163.
Critics
claim that Locke's doctrine of tacit consent
ignores how citizens often fail to recognize the limitations of their
political
system and how their lives could be better under another system. They
cannot be
said to consent because:
(a) their choices are uninformed and unavoidable.
(b) their choices express the majority's will.
(c) their claims of natural rights are based on religion.
(d) their decisions are guided by the general will.
164.
In
Locke's account of the state of nature, human beings
have natural rights, the violation of which would constitute a
violation of
justice and the moral law. This differs from Hobbes's account of the
state of
nature in that, for Hobbes:
(a) the moral law and justice do not exist until the sovereign
establishes
civil law.
(b) the law of nature is violated only by those who harm others in
order to
survive.
(c) individuals can administer their own "justice" only within civil
societies.
(d) only the sovereign is permitted to violate the moral law in the
state of
nature.
165.
According
to Locke, in the state of nature we have a
natural right to punish those who hurt us or take our property. In this
regard,
civil society is preferable to our natural state, because through its
legal
system a society can:
(a) punish the sovereign by restricting the power of the state through
the
social contract.
(b) clarify individual rights and regulate the severity of punishments.
(c) take property away from those who have accumulated it and give it
to those
who deserve it (meritocracy).
(d) punish all lawbreakers, even those who have not explicitly
consented to
uphold the social contract.
166.
According
to Locke, "every man that hath any
possession or enjoyment of any part of the dominions of any government
doth
thereby give his tacit consent, and is as far forth obliged to
obedience to the
laws of that government during such enjoyment as any one under it." One
of
the major objections against this position is that:
(a) no one in a society has to like or enjoy its laws; all that is
required is
that people are informed about the laws and about the punishments
involved with
violating them.
(b) through voting, citizens are able to express their tacit consent to
policies that benefit everyone in the society, even those who vote
against
those policies and lose.
(c) it ignores the fact that most people do not know fully what such
tacit
consent means, often cannot evaluate it impartially, and are rarely
able to
leave their society even if they wanted to.
(d) it implies that only those citizens who explicitly agree to certain
laws or
policies are obligated to obey them, and that does not make any sense.
167.
Which
of the following IS NOT an objection
typically raised against Locke's political
theory?
(a)
Even if the majority endorses a government's
policies, why should that obligate the minority to obey laws?
(b)
Tacit consent is given by anyone who lives in a country and is
protected by its
laws.
(c)
Those who do not own property or wealth are ignored and will be
discouraged from
political participation.
(d)
Those born with disadvantages will be discriminated against in the kind
of
meritocracy Locke envisions.
168.
Locke
claims that in the state of nature individuals
have the right to punish those who violate the rights of others because
such
violations merit or deserve punishment. This way of thinking about
punishment
is based on which theory of punishment?
(a) Social protection theory.
(b) Retributive theory.
(c) Deterrence theory.
(d) Reform theory.
169.
Rousseau
claims that justified civil law is actually
an expression of one's own freedom, rather than being a restraint on
one's
behavior, because a just civil law:
(a) expresses the general will, which itself is an expression of an
individual
will that is educated in what is required for social existence.
(b) conforms to the will of the majority, since the will of the
majority cannot
create any law other than a just law.
(c) is created when the social contract defines exactly what rights an
individual has in the state of nature.
(d) allows an individual to do anything he deems appropriate, as long
as it is
consistent with what his conscience dictates.
170.
According
to Rousseau, even people who disagree with a
law are obligated to obey it because, as parties to the social
contract, they
have imposed it on themselves to the extent that:
(a)
their naturally virtuous and compassionate natures are perverted in
civil
society through customs that encourage people to act selfishly and
insincerely.
(b)
they will all laws as expressions of what is good for the community at
large
(the "common good"), even
those particular laws with which they personally disagree.
(c)
they agree to abide by the will of the majority, even when the will of
the
majority contradicts the general will to pursue non-selfishly the
common good.
(d)
they recognize that they are naturally perverse and need restraints of
law to
control their selfish inclinations.
171.
Rousseau
argues that even though people are naturally
virtuous, they become selfish and insincere in civil society, because
in civil
society they are encouraged:
(a) to base their interactions with others on a social contract rather
than a
meritocracy.
(b) to think of people in terms of wealth or prestige instead of
relying on
their natural concern for others.
(c) to obey only those laws that are self-imposed instead of those laws
that
are externally-imposed.
(d) to develop their moral sensitivities through education.
172.
According
to Rousseau, the social contract is our
tacit agreement to abide by the general will. The general
will is:
(a) always expressed by whatever the majority says is right, even if
that
contradicts our natural virtues.
(b) what those in the ruling class say is best for them and thus best
for the
rest of society.
(c) what we in a society genuinely will for ourselves, even if that
occasionally contradicts the majority's vote.
(d) the will of the government, the will to protect private property
through
educating citizens about the law.
173.
"The
constant will of all the members of the
State is the general will; it is by that they are citizens and free.
When any
law is proposed in the assembly of the people, the question is not to
enquire
whether they approve the proposition or reject it, but if it is
conformable or
not to the general will, which is their will. When, therefore, the
motion which
I opposed carries, it only proves to me that I was mistaken, and that
what I
believed to be the general will was not so." Here:
(a) Mill shows how the greatest happiness for greatest number is
decided by the
general will.
(b) Marx claims that the general will is mistaken if it conflicts with
the will
of the individual.
(c) Rousseau indicates how individuals learn what they truly want for
themselves as members of society by relying on laws expressing the
general
will.
(d) Hegel identifies the general will as the will of the State which is
independent of, and sometimes even opposite to, the will of the people.
174.
According
to Rousseau, "The constant will of all
the members of the State is the general will; it is by that they are
citizens
and free. When any law is proposed in the assembly of the people, the
question
is not whether they approve the proposition or reject it, but if it is
conformable or not to the general will, which is their will. When,
therefore,
the motion which I opposed carries, it only proves to me that I was
mistaken,
and that what I believed to be the general will was not so." Therefore,
I
am obligated to abide by the law even when I disagree with the law
because:
(a) the greatest happiness for greatest number of people is decided by
the
general will.
(b) the general will is mistaken if it conflicts with the will of the
individual.
(c) the law expresses the general will and tells me about what I truly
want as
a member of society.
(d) the general will is independent of, and always opposite to, the
expressed
will of the people.
175.
Though
Rousseau condemns the ways that government
institutionalizes moral and political inequalities, he indicates that
civil
society can have a positive influence on citizens by:
(a) letting citizens develop their own laws based not on feeling but on
philosophical theories and abstractions.
(b) showing them how to define themselves by specifying their private
property
through laws.
(c) guiding people (through public education) to resist the negative
influences
of society (e.g., valuing luxuries) and to develop their natural
virtues (e.g.,
self-love, compassion).
(d) doing away with those moral and political inequalities through
disbanding
government and returning to the state of nature.
176.
Rousseau
claims that though human beings are naturally
self-interested, they are not naturally selfish or motivated by
pride. Only the influences of social pressure make human beings
selfish. Through socializing education, however, people can be
guided to
resist influences that undermine their commitments to one
another. Those
commitments are grounded in "the social contract"--which is:
(a) the set of principles upon which individuals give up their rights
to pursue
what is naturally theirs and instead take pride in the actions of
others.
(b) an arrangement by which the government establishes laws that define
what is
morally good or evil.
(c) the means individuals have for retaining their rights to do what
they
naturally want to do, even if that means taking delight in the
suffering of
others.
(d) the agreement to abide by the general will, which is what we
consciously or
unconsciously will for ourselves as members of the community.
177.
Though
Rousseau is considered more of a libertarian
than an authoritarian, his social-political philosophy contains both
classical
liberal and conservative elements, insofar as he says that human beings
are:
(a) trustworthy in the state of nature but in society need to be guided
by the
general will.
(b) fallen, sinful creatures who cannot make good decisions for
themselves or
others, even in the state of nature.
(c) individuals (with the right to make personal decisions) only if
they are
recognized as such by civil government.
(d) able to distinguish decisions dealing with personal matters from
those that
have social, economic, or political implications.
178.
Which
of the following IS NOT one of the
objections that David Hume raises against the social contract?
(a) No government is truly based on consent, for that would mean that
the
people could change their form of government at will (something no
government
would allow to occur).
(b) Even if there were an original contract in our society, it is no
longer
binding on those who were not part of the original agreement.
(c) In fact, there never was an original contract: governments were
originally
formed through conquest or illegitimate use of force.
(d) The social contract is simply the means by which those in power
have the
right to express the will of the people.
179.
"Almost all the
governments which exist at present, or
of which there remains any record in history, have been founded
originally
either on usurpation or conquest or both, without any pretense of a
fair
consent or voluntary subjection of the people." In this
remark:
(a)
Hegel proposes his communitarian alternative to social contract
theories.
(b)
J. S. Mill argues that only governments that promote social utility and
the
public interest are legitimate.
(c)
Marx shows how capitalism has created social alienation and resentment
toward
government.
(d)
Hume points out how the so-called tacit consent to the social contract
is a
mere fiction.
180.
According
to Rawls, all members of a society have a
legitimate claim to a share of the wealth of a society. When
individuals are
systematically disenfranchised from their fair share (and thus not
given the
opportunity to compete equally for a portion of that wealth), it is the
responsibility of government to:
(a) protect the private property of those who have worked for what they
own or
who have inherited property legally.
(b) make sure that no one is allowed to have any larger portion of that
wealth
than anyone else.
(c) redistribute resources based on the natural abilities of citizens,
not
their needs.
(d) correct those inequities by redistributing just enough resources
from the
wealthy to the poor to allow them to compete equally.
181.
Rawls'
liberalism attempts to avoid both the total
elimination of social differences (proposed by Marxists) and the
potential for
an act-utilitarian "tyranny of the majority," by suggesting that:
(a) unequal treatment of minorities be permitted only if minority
members
benefit from such systematic inequality and have access to the benefits
enjoyed
by the majority.
(b) any minority member should be able to ignore or violate the rules
of the
majority if the rules conflict with the minority member's conscience.
(c) the majority can control what minorities do as long as the
happiness experienced
by the majority outweighs the unhappiness experienced by minorities.
(d) as long as the minority continues to belong to a democratic society
in
which the will of the majority prevails, it must abide by the
"tyranny" of the majority.
182.
In
Rawls' theory, a just society could permit
inequalities in wealth or authority only if the existence of such
inequalities:
(a) produces the greatest amount of happiness for the greatest number
of
people.
(b) benefits everyone and everyone has equal opportunity to any
position in the
society.
(c) respects the right of a person to control how his or her children
are
placed in society.
(d) guarantees that everyone has exactly the same (equal) benefits and
burdens
in society.
183.
Rawls
acknowledges that a just society could be one in
which inequalities exist—but only if:
(a) the existence of inequalities produces the greatest amount of
happiness for
the greatest number of people.
(b) individuals in the "original position" can change their minds
after they have been assigned social roles.
(c) both rational and irrational individuals consent to such a society.
(d) the existence of such advantages benefits everyone and these
advantages are
accessible to everyone.
184.
According
to Rawls, a theory of justice does not
necessarily require everyone in the society to have equal wealth and
power, as
long as such inequalities:
(a) work to the advantage of all, and everyone has access to the
privileges of
wealth and power.
(b) do not result in some people having more wealth or power than other
members
of society.
(c) do not guarantee that government would provide everyone with a
minimum
standard of living.
(d) permit people to achieve positions of wealth and power that justify
their
being considered simply better than others.
185.
According
to Rawls, a just society could be set up
only by rational individuals whose original position would be:
(a) a state of nature in which everyone would be in a constant war of
"all
against all."
(b) one in which those individuals could choose which advantages they
would
have in a society they create.
(c) one of wealth, power, and prestige, which could be lost only
through
incompetence or bad luck.
(d) one in which they will not know their social place or which social
advantages/disadvantages they will have.
186.
In
Rawls' liberal social contract theory, everyone has
equal rights to pursue his or her own ends (as long as the rights of
others are
not infringed). But in a just society, he says, there can still be
inequalities, if:
(a) everyone in the society has the same income, social prestige, and
respect.
(b) each person's "original position" in the social framework is
chosen from behind the "veil of ignorance."
(c) the existence of inequalities in income and prestige benefits
everyone and
everyone has access to them.
(d)
only legitimate governmental agencies are allowed to redistribute
wealth and
privileges according to agreed-upon criteria (e.g., race, gender,
income).
187.
According
to Rawls, "The principles of justice
for the basic structure of society are the object of the original
agreement.
They are the principles that free and rational persons concerned to
further
their own interests would accept in an initial position of equality as
defining
the fundamental terms of their association." Here Rawls indicates how
in a
just society social relations would be based on:
(a) natural abilities as differentiated in the state of nature.
(b) fairness.
(c) what the majority would yield to minorities.
(d) the right of rationally self-interested individuals to determine
their own
standards of justice without governmental interference.
188.
Rawls
notes that rational individuals could set up a
just society even though they personally would be under a veil of
ignorance
about their original position in the society. Critics charge
that this
undermines his theory because:
(a)
no one can engage in informed consent to a contract without
specifically what
he or she is committing to.
(b)
the existence of social advantages benefits everyone only if these
advantages are
accessible to everyone.
(c)
insisting on the rights of the individual is itself a form of the "tyranny of the
majority."
(d)
the State has an obligation to protect individuals' private
property, and only an unlimited form of
capitalism can produce a just society.
189.
Which
of the following IS NOT an objection
raised against Rawls' theory of justice?
(a) Many people would risk being at the bottom of society if the
benefits at
the top were great enough.
(b) Not knowing what place we will occupy in a "just" society makes
an informed consent to it impossible.
(c) Individuals under a veil of ignorance should endorse a theory that
gives
them as much liberty as possible.
(d) To allow inequalities in society would jeopardize the self-esteem
of those
at the bottom of society.
190.
Contemporary
liberals argue that the problem with communitarianism
is that:
(a)
it
does not treat
political interactions as natural and necessary for human development.
(b)
by
allowing
people to exercise their rights, it forces people to develop their own
values.
(c)
it
makes the
State unnecessary as a means whereby individuals achieve freedom in
relation to
others.
(d)
by
promoting a "public good" it
frustrates the development of diverse (e.g., multicultural) views.
191.
Both
Rawls' theory of social justice and Mill's
utilitarian theory insist on one essential point, namely, that in
determining
the distribution of goods and services in society:
(a) some people are simply more qualified than others, and thus deserve
to
receive more.
(b) there is always dissatisfaction with how benefits are distributed,
so no
system is right.
(c) allocation of resources to the majority must equal the resources
available
to minorities.
(d) individuals are to be treated equally unless another principle
overrides
equal treatment.
192.
Feminists
point out that women are typically
overlooked by theorists who describe the State in terms of a social
contract,
because the only forms of participation generally recognized in such a
contract
are those that are:
(a)
agreed to tacitly or implicitly rather than in the explicit ways that
women
exercise their political power.
(b)
political, which are understood as public as opposed to the "private" family
concerns of most women.
(c)
expressions of retributive justice (giving someone his/her due) rather
than
distributive justice.
(d)
moral rather than political--that is, the
product of self-imposed (instead of
State-imposed) obligations.
193.
"You
are horrified at our intending to do away
with private property. But in your existing society, private property
is
already done away with for nine-tenths of the population. You reproach
us with
intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition
for whose
existence is the nonexistence of any property for the immense majority
of
society. In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with
your
property. Precisely so; that is just what we intend." In this passage
Marx
notes how:
(a) the ownership of property is necessary to maintain distinctions of
natural
abilities.
(b) capitalism's support for class distinctions is based on private
property.
(c) the very existence of a classless society requires that the
majority of
people have little or no property.
(d) the difference between your property and mine is something that
varies from
one existing society to another.
194.
"Private
property is the result of the analysis
of the concept of externalized labor, i.e., externalized man, alienated
work,
alienated life, alienated man." Here Marx argues that it is the
privatization of property that permits property:
(a) to be used precisely within the communist overcoming of alienation.
(b) to serve as the basis for identifying the human (social)
significance of
nature.
(c) to revolutionize the meaning of social enjoyment into an act of
mutually gratifying
exploitation.
(d) to be owned and transferred, and thus divorced from the person's
labor-existence.
195.
For
Marx, capitalism alienates people both from the
products of their labor and from themselves and others by:
(a) permitting only the law, art, and philosophy to identify ways in
which
alienation can be overcome.
(b) describing the ruling class (the bourgeoisie) as naturally
sociable,
when in fact it is not.
(c) encouraging people to produce things that are useful to themselves
and
others.
(d) forcing people to compete with others by having to sell the
products of
their labor to survive.
196.
"While
alienated labor alienates (1) nature from
man, and (2) man from himself, his own active function, his vital
activity, it also
alienates the species from man." For Marx, alienated labor is thus
characterized by thinking of nature, our professional activity (our
jobs), and
other people as:
(a) important aspects of our own self-education in resisting the
capitalistic
features of communism itself.
(b) objects or activities to be mastered, overcome, and appropriated in
order
to achieve individuality.
(c) means by which human productivity can fashion the world, ourselves,
and
others according to communistic ideals.
(d) different stages in the evolution of a Marxist notion of history.
197.
According
to Marx, capitalism causes people to be
alienated from (1) the things they make, (2) the labor that defines
them
personally, (3) their natures as productive creators, and (4) other
human
beings--all as a result of:
(a) natural human inclinations to be selfish.
(b) the economic institution of private property.
(c) the conflict between proletariat and bourgeoisie.
(d) the replacement of religion with secular values.
198.
According
to Marx, if individuals are allowed to own
private property, they will not share common goals or strive to achieve
a
dependable peace. As long as there is the potential for dividing people
from
one another in terms of what they own, they will never identify
themselves with
one another and will always be engaged in class conflict. This
diagnosis, like
his solution (communal ownership of property), assumes that:
(a) each person should give according to his/her abilities and take
according
to his/her needs.
(b) everyone is defined by what he/she produces and what he/she has
control
over.
(c) liberalism, socialism, and communalism (or communism) are basically
the
same thing.
(d) class conflict and self-interest are innate, natural
characteristics of
human beings.
199.
According
to Marx, the primary purpose of government
is to protect private property, and one of the ways it does this is by
supporting religion. Religion, he says, encourages people to accept
their
alienation from themselves and one another. That is, religion promotes
the view
that:
(a) alienation can be overcome only when people recognize how their
economic
status is determined by God.
(b) no property is ever really private, because no one is ever really
alone;
there is always God.
(c) the alienation of people from themselves is due to their being
separated
from the products of their labor.
(d) economic oppression is a natural state that will be corrected in
the
afterlife of believers.
200.
Marx
says that we should distribute goods, services,
and obligations throughout society based on the rule "each according to
his abilities, and each according to his needs." In other words:
(a) since needs and obligations are the same for everyone, everyone
should
receive equal treatment.
(b) since needs and obligations vary from person to person, no social
policy is
ever just.
(c) justice requires that each person feel obliged to do what he/she
can for
the community and to make demands on others only when necessary.
(d) though the needs of a person are often greater than his/her
abilities, it
is still up to the individual to take care of those needs without
making
demands on others.
201.
Marx
argues that only a revolution that does away with
private property can counteract social alienation because:
(a) only when property is communally owned will we stop thinking of
people in
terms of what they own.
(b) a revolution will replace the naturally selfish, lazy inclinations
of
people with sociable (capitalist) values.
(c) the working class appreciates the values of private property more
than does
the bourgeoisie (capitalists).
(d) once capitalism finally succeeds in providing people with what they
need,
no revolution will be needed.
202.
Critics
of Marx claim that in a communalistic society
where all property is public, individuals would not work hard or put
out extra
effort because they would not be able to accumulate personal wealth. To
this
Marx replies:
(a)
governmental involvement should make us better and perhaps even happier
people
(i.e., state paternalism).
(b)
the "just" distribution
of goods in society is based solely on
merit or inheritance.
(c)
such a perverted view of human labor and sociability is the product of
a
capitalistic mindset.
(d)
the goal of society should be to protect the natural rights of human
beings, especially
private property.
203.
Aristotle
argues that even if people do nothing specific to merit it, they should
receive
resources to improve their opportunities so that they can be on a par
with
others, because:
(a)
justice requires that, regardless of individuals' needs,
we should treat them based on talent and ability.
(b)
without such help people cannot participate fully in political
deliberations
about the common good.
(c)
helping poor or unfortunate people would require that we unfairly take
resources
from others.
(d)
political policy-making or public administration is always aimed at
protecting
private property.
204.
Aristotle
and Marx agree that people should be given
what they need even if they do not do anything specifically to merit
such
treatment, because without such assistance they:
(a) will insist that their unequal status gives them a right to even
more than
they deserve.
(b) will not fulfill their human potential or be able to participate
fully in
deliberations about the common good.
(c) will not be given what they deserve (in regard to distributive
justice) and
be punished retributively instead.
(d) will insist on authoritarian solutions to personal issues and
conservative
solutions to governmental issues.
205.
Which
of the following IS NOT a feature that
Marx describes as giving meaning to a capitalistic lifestyle?
(a) The pursuit of pleasure, power, wealth, or success prevents us from
achieving human fulfillment.
(b) The unequal distribution of wealth and power is natural and
desirable as a
means to motivate people.
(c) Competition, not cooperation, is the key to personal and social
success.
(d) Having material possessions and not having to work are what make us
happy.
206.
Though
Epicurean hedonism is similar in certain respects
to modern Western capitalism, it emphasizes a point that Marx says
characterizes his position as well, namely, the belief that:
(a) we should not trouble ourselves about things (e.g., economic
systems) over
which we have no control.
(b) happiness should not be defined in terms of material things, since
in the
afterlife they mean nothing.
(c) only the material world is real and life has meaning only in terms
of this
world; there is no afterlife.
(d) work is a necessary evil one has to endure to obtain the means to
develop
friendships and gain wisdom.
207.
Though
both communists and anarchists object to the
need for government, they differ on their reasons for rejecting
government,
because:
(a) communists think of government as the means by which a people or
nation has
an identity; anarchists see government as damaging to the identities of
individuals in society.
(b) communists view government as a means for bringing about liberal,
socialist
goals; anarchists object to there being any social goals whatsoever.
(c) communists object to government because all organizations of power
take
advantage of the weak and poor; anarchists reject government because it
is
always inefficient and ineffective.
(d) communists see government only as a means to guarantee private
property;
anarchists see government as an obstacle preventing individuals from
retrieving
their autonomy and natural sociability.
208.
According
to J. S. Mill, we must establish a guideline
for determining what kinds of actions can be regulated by the majority
of
citizens. Otherwise, the majority might impose its will on the
minority. His guideline for restricting the intrusion of others in
the
affairs of individuals:
(a) allows the state to implement laws in order to improve the
characters and
consciences of the individuals it is established to serve.
(b) limits the domain of law to where harm to another is involved, and
the
domain of justified social pressure to matters where society is
offended though
not harmed.
(c) prohibits individuals from forcing their views on anyone else, even
when
those who are the objects of such force are engaged in acts that can or
do harm
others.
(d) prevents the development of any individual values and restricts any
actions
intended to express individuality, because guidelines by their very
nature are
anti-individualistic.
209.
According
to J. S. Mill, the guideline for determining
what kinds of actions can be regulated by the State:
(a)
allows the State to implement laws in order to improve the characters
and
consciences of individuals.
(b)
prevents the development of any individual values and restricts any
actions
intended to express individuality, because guidelines by their very
nature are
anti-individualistic.
(c)
prohibits individuals from forcing their views on anyone else, even
when those
who are the objects of such force are engaged in acts that can or do
harm
others.
(d)
limits the domain of law to where harm to another is involved, and the
domain
of justified social pressure to matters where society is offended
though not
harmed.
210.
J. S.
Mill argues that laws should respect individual
freedom by regulating only actions that harm others. In regard to other
kinds
of actions, Mill adopts the rule that:
(a)
since matters of conscience or preference have public implications,
they too
should be legally regulated.
(b)
matters of self-control or self-improvement are matters of public
morality and
can be legally regulated.
(c)
for offensive behavior, social pressure is permitted; and only
persuasion is
permitted in matters of taste.
(d)
laws should apply only to explicitly moral issues (e.g., prostitution,
gambling, personal drug use).
211.
Critics
of J. S. Mill point out that not only is his
distinction between public and private matters too vague but also that
the
government has to educate citizens through laws so that they can
achieve
happiness. Otherwise, people:
(a) will be unable or unwilling to distinguish what is legal and
illegal.
(b) will think that their behavior harms others, when it is merely
offensive or
a matter of manners or taste.
(c) will often be unable or unwilling to make informed, unprejudiced
judgments.
(d) can use either social pressure to control offensive behavior or
persuasion
in matters of manners or taste.
212.
Which
of the following IS NOT an objection that
can be raised against J. S. Mill's
principle that governments have a right to limit individual liberties
only when
harm to others is involved?
(a)
The distinction between what is harmful and what is offensive,
indecent, or bad
manners/taste is vague.
(b)
People cannot be justly forced to improve or protect themselves, though
we may
try to persuade them.
(c)
If, as Mill says, the State can protect the environment or support the
arts,
then individuals' income will be
taxed and their ability to spend will
be limited even though no immediate harm to another is involved.
(d)
To produce the greatest amount of happiness for the greatest number of
people,
governments need to force people (sometimes through law) to correct
their
uninformed, prejudiced beliefs.
213.
J. S.
Mill claims that civil laws (vs. social
pressure or persuasion) should apply only to actions that harm other
people. Against this, critics raise objections. Which of the
following IS NOT one of those objections?
(a) Sometimes government intervention is needed to prevent harm to the
environment (as opposed to harm to persons).
(b) In order to know how our actions affect others, we need
education--which is
government's job too.
(c) Governments have always had a right to dictate matters of
conscience and
personal moral beliefs.
(d) The distinction between harm to others and offensive behavior or
differences in taste is not clear.
214.
In
contrast to the libertarian view on free will,
political or civil libertarianism concerns:
(a) whether individuals have or should have the right to act without
governmental or legal interference.
(b) whether individuals have the right to form governments.
(c) whether the civil liberties we enjoy are shared by other cultures.
(d) whether individuals know that they are free to choose even when
they are
not physically able to act on those choices.
215.
Civil
libertarians say that no government has the
right to enact laws that protect people from themselves or force people
to help
others live a good life, because no one has:
(a) an obligation to obey the state.
(b) a civil right to a good life.
(c) a sense of what is good for him/herself.
(d) a natural right to liberty and property.
216.
Unlike
Mill, some theorists argue that civil law should
be used to enforce the moral beliefs of a community (e.g., on abortion
or
homosexuality). Which of the following IS NOT a justification
for this
view?
(a) Laws clarify and make precise exactly what the community's moral
values
are.
(b) Laws promote the personal improvement and protection of
individuals, even
when those individuals do not understand or agree with such protection.
(c) Laws recognize that all of our actions, even those which seem
personal and
private, ultimately have social consequences.
(d) Laws assume that individuals will make up their own minds about how
they
would like to live in social contexts.
217.
Critics
of the "laissez-faire" liberalism
of J. S. Mill's social philosophy point out that, due to superstition,
ignorance, custom, tastes, and even product loyalties, people often act
in ways
that are not rationally self-interested. As a result, government
intervention--in the form of mandatory universal education and control
of the
economy--is necessary to promote Mill's aim of the greatest amount of
happiness
for the greatest number of people. But this seems to contradict Mill's
insistence that civil laws should be employed only when people are
being
harmed. How could Mill respond that his position does not, in fact,
entail this
contradiction?
(a) By noting that laissez-faire liberalism is intended really as a
means for
introducing more, not fewer political constraints on personal and
economic
exchanges.
(b) By saying that there is no clear line between what is harmful,
offensive, or
simply bad manners; and thus civil law is appropriate regarding any of
these.
(c) By pointing out that insisting on the rights of the individual is
itself a
form of the "tyranny of the majority."
(d) By arguing that people can be educated to behave in economically
desirable
ways by social pressure and persuasion, without having to appeal to
government
intervention or laws.
218.
Libertarians
claim that individuals have natural
rights that do not depend on their being recognized by government. The
communitarian, on the other hand, believes that citizens have rights
only
because they share with others the traditions or goals of the community
to
which they owe allegiance: apart from that community (i.e., as
outsiders to the
community) people have:
(a) no rights and are not identifiable as "persons" because they have
no social function.
(b) civil and legal rights in the community, even though they have no
social
obligations.
(c) only natural rights (e.g., life, liberty, property), which society
is
obligated to respect.
(d) a civil or legal obligation to respect the wishes of the community,
even
though they do not share in the benefits of community membership.
219.
According
to classical liberals (e.g., John Locke,
Adam Smith), one's own self-identity in a capitalist society is defined
in
terms of the modes of subsistence or labor by which one is able to
identify
his/her place in the social order. This means that in a capitalist
society
individuals are assumed to be:
(a) naturally inclined toward promoting the common good of society by
subordinating their interests to those of the community.
(b) obstacles to how the invisible hand of supply and demand controls
the
wealth of nations.
(c) naturally self-interested and in competition with one another.
(d) contributors to a laissez-faire economic system insofar as
they are
controlled by government.
220.
Liberal
critics of laissez-faire
libertarianism (e.g., Rawls) point out that, due to superstition,
ignorance,
custom, or simple bad luck, people often act in ways that are not
rationally
self-interested. As a result, government involvement in education,
business,
and social programs is necessary to protect those who are unfortunate
and to
promote social justice. If the libertarian claims that these tasks can
be done by
private businesses and volunteer organizations, the liberal can respond
by
noting that:
(a) a government can succeed in promoting ideals of justice only if it
assumes
that people do not need its involvement or assistance.
(b) education, business, and social interactions cannot occur without
the
protection of the military and public-safety functions of government
(e.g.,
police, fire departments).
(c) all so-called private matters (e.g., drug use, abortions,
motorcycle helmet
use) are really public matters, and all public matters (e.g., national
defense,
protection of property) are really private matters.
(d) if that happens—and it is unlikely that it ever will—government
involvement in such areas would be unnecessary because justice will
have been
achieved.
221.
Classical
liberals are different from libertarians
insofar as:
(a) liberals think that government should tell people what to do
because they
are incapable to making good choices; libertarians think that
governmental
intervention is needed only when others are hurt.
(b) liberals allow people to act immorally if that is what they want to
do;
libertarians say that government should control people's actions since
people
cannot be trusted to act morally.
(c) liberals define all so-called private matters (e.g., drug use,
abortions,
motorcycle helmet use) as public; libertarians define all public
matters (e.g.,
national defense, theft, murder) as private.
(d) liberals think that people generally can be trusted to make good
personal
decisions; libertarians think that government has no business telling
people
what to do except to maintain peace and security.
222.
Government
censorship of artistic expression and
enjoyment can be based either on conservative or authoritarian
principles. What
would be the difference?
(a) The conservative does not care about the effect of art on personal
morality
as much as he cares about government support of the arts; the
authoritarian
says that personal morality is determined by art.
(b) For the conservative, censorship is necessary so that individuals
can
develop personal moral ideals without government interference; for the
authoritarian, censorship requires government interference.
(c) The conservative thinks that art needs to be controlled because it
appeals
to irrational emotions; the authoritarian thinks that art needs to be
controlled because of its social and political effects.
(d) For the conservative, censorship is another means by which
government
interferes in the daily lives of citizens; for the authoritarian,
censorship
provides individuals with opportunities for moral growth.
223.
Political
conservatives and liberals differ on what
kinds of freedom are central in defining what it means practically to
be free.
Their differences can be summed up this way:
(a) conservatives emphasize the metaphysical freedoms to be able to
choose
between real (even perverse) alternatives; liberals emphasize practical
freedoms.
(b) liberals emphasize the metaphysical freedoms to be able to choose
between
real (even perverse) alternatives; conservatives emphasize practical
freedoms.
(c) conservatives emphasize freedom to exercise
abilities;
liberals emphasize freedom from things (e.g., ignorance,
unemployment) that prevent getting abilities.
(d) conservatives emphasize freedom from things (e.g.,
ignorance,
unemployment) that prevent getting abilities; liberals emphasize
freedom to
exercise abilities.
224.
Plato
can be identified as a "conservative
authoritarian" because for
him:
(a)
people cannot be trusted to make informed, impartial decisions;
decisions
should be made by rulers.
(b)
when the State truly represents the whole of society, it no longer
needs to
protect the property of the rulers.
(c)
people should be allowed to do what they want because they can
generally be
trusted to do the right thing.
(d)
each person who benefits from being in a society has an obligation to
defend
the society from injury.
225.
Hobbes
can be identified as a "liberal
authoritarian" because
for him:
(a)
the State can improve citizens' quality of
life but cannot force them to take
advantage of the improvements.
(b)
people in the state of nature rationally decide to give the sovereign
the right
to make political decisions.
(c)
the State can take property away from those who have accumulated it and
give it
to those who deserve it.
(d)
in the state of nature we are interested in our own welfare and
compassionate
about the suffering of others.
226.
Locke
can be identified as a "liberal
libertarian" because
for him:
(a)
people cannot be trusted to act properly and must be told what to
do.
(b)
individuals become fully human insofar as they unite their particular
wills to
the general will.
(c)
people can be trusted to install/remove governments based on how
governments
protect private property.
(d)
the nation is created by the State, which gives the people its moral
unity and
effective will.
227.
Rousseau
can be identified as a "liberal-libertarian" as well
as a "conservative
libertarian" because
for him:
(a)
"the people" as a
totality is expressed in the State, apart from which nothing human
exists or
has value.
(b)
government
has a
right to limit individual liberties only when harm to others is
involved.
(c)
our
natural right
to punish those who violate our rights should be regulated by
government.
(d)
people
are naturally
rational, but in society they become superficial and have to learn how
to
retrieve their natural virtues by uniting their particular wills to the
general
will.
228.
According
to philosophical anarchists, the State (or
government) is unjust because it limits human freedom, and no State has
a
legitimate right or moral authority to limit the freedom of individuals
through
laws because:
(a) no State can guarantee that everyone will obey laws and thus
protect the
rights of others.
(b) without laws, the State is unable to indicate how individuals must
act in
order to be free.
(c) laws can be morally obligating only if they are self-imposed by
autonomous
individuals.
(d) the government's right to exercise power over individuals is the
only means
to avoid social chaos.
229.
According
to anarchists, individuals have no moral
obligation to obey civil laws because no government can have moral authority
over individuals. The state could have such authority—and thus a right
to exercise power over its citizens—only if it were given it by
individuals. But individuals cannot give up their right to decide what
they
should do because:
(a) they can be forced by the government to obey laws, even if they do
not
agree with those laws.
(b) they will always find something about the laws of a state to object
to or
imagine better ways to do things.
(c) they are responsible for their actions only if they, not the
government,
freely decide how they should act.
(d) considering how there is no natural agreement among individuals
about how
to formulate laws, they can agree with one another only if they form a
social
contract.
230.
Fascist
(or "organicist")
social philosophies portray the individual as a function of the State:
apart
from the State, the individual is meaningless and lacks all value.
Marx's
characterization of individualism as a capitalist doctrine may
seem to
make the same point. But communism differs from fascism because, for
the
communist:
(a) individuals are naturally self-interested and, therefore, look for
every
opportunity to resist governmental intrusions into their lives.
(b) the only way to overcome one's individuality is by means of
becoming
"alienated" from oneself through communal labor.
(c) the State (government) is merely a means by which the ruling class
protects
private property and prevents people from recognizing their social,
communal
inclinations.
(d) only through State control of the means of production can
individuals
finally be assured that their private property will be protected.
231.
Though
both the anarchist and the Marxist ultimately
agree that the ideal social arrangement would be one in which there
would be no
government, they differ on why. For the anarchist, the absence of
government
would allow individuals to pursue their own rational self-interest
without
interference from others. The communist, on the other hand, would:
(a) think of communal (though non-governed) activities as opportunities
for
human growth, not excuses for interference.
(b) deny individuals who insist on their own interests (at the expense
of the
interests of the group) any of the rights to private property that
communists
would have.
(c) argue that government is necessary to protect the rights of the
community.
(d) substitute for government a police network to control the actions
of
individuals in order to make sure that individuals did not think only
of
themselves.
232.
Though
both the anarchist and the Marxist ultimately
agree that the ideal social arrangement would be one in which there
would be no
government, they differ on why. For the anarchist, the absence of
government
would allow individuals to pursue their own rational self-interest
without
interference from others. By contrast, for the communist, the
elimination of
government would:
(a) require a redistribution of private property or wealth, in which
case those
in power (i.e., communist rulers in the state) would own all goods and
services.
(b) remove the institutional support for private property (thus
allowing people
to think of themselves communally, with common property, values, and
goals).
(c) allow the "invisible hand" of free market forces to direct
economic and social development (and thus, ultimately, human
development).
(d) make us appreciate why the fascist, authoritarian forms of
communist
governments are required in order to solve social problems.
233.
"When,
in the course of development, class
distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated
in the
hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will
lose its
political power. Political power, properly so called, is merely the
organized
power of one class for oppressing another." In this passage Marx
describes
the process by which:
(a) communal values replace the need for political power and private
property.
(b) political power is used to maintain class distinctions by
controlling
production.
(c) class distinctions are used to determine who, after the revolution,
will
rule.
(d) those in power use the means of production to exercise political
power.
234.
Critics
of Marx (e.g., Hospers) claim that the
communistic ideal of universal ownership would result in the gradual
deterioration and exhaustion of resources, because:
(a) some individuals would insist that the property be shared equally
or
according to need.
(b) "freeloaders" would consume resources without being motivated to
contribute anything to the communal good.
(c) governmental bureaucracy would so clog up the operations of the
commune
that no work would get done by anyone.
(d) government--even a Marxist government--is inherently and
necessarily
corrupt.
235.
"Benefits and
burdens are distributed justly when
society allows every individual the freedom to do what he chooses to do
for
himself or for others, the freedom to keep what he makes for himself or
what
others choose to give him, and the freedom to keep what he has or give
it to
whomever he chooses." This remark
summarizes:
(a)
Marx's socialist
theory of need and ability.
(b)
Plato's theory of
productivity and merit.
(c)
Rawls's pattern
theory of economic justice.
(d)
Nozick's
entitlement theory of classical liberalism.
236.
According
to Nozick's
minimal state or "entitlement" theory, "To maintain a pattern
one must either continually interfere to stop people from transferring
resources as they wish to, or continually (or periodically) interfere
to take
from some persons resources that others for some reason chose to
transfer to
them." This violation of the rights of individuals to dispose of their
possessions as they see fit is based, he argues, on a non-historical
("patterning") theory of justice, a theory of justice that:
(a) protects individual rights by defining the individual or self as a
social
function.
(b) redistributes resources so that wealthy individuals become poor and
poor
people become rich.
(c) considers only how resources are distributed, not how the actual
distribution came about.
(d) acknowledges that people deserve only what they acquire themselves,
not
what they inherit.
237.
According
to Nozick,
government is justified in interfering with the ownership of property only
if the property was originally obtained through violence,
deception, or
fraud. But critics point out that, by adding this qualification, he
undercuts
his position that government has no right re-distributing wealth. Why
would
such a qualification open him up to this criticism?
(a) Because though some property has been obtained through violence,
deception,
or fraud, not all property has been obtained in those ways.
(b) Because no government can seize someone's property without doing so
violently or deceptively.
(c) Because any (e.g., original) distribution of property would give
some
people an unfair advantage (e.g., regarding natural resources) and
would thus
violate the rights of others.
(d) Because a government cannot even attempt to re-distribute wealth.
238.
According
to Nozick, the
government's collection of taxes from citizens is justified only if
those taxes
are used:
(a) to prevent harm and protect property rights.
(b) to promote foreign trade and private business.
(c) to improve the social conditions of others.
(d) to support education, roads, and farm subsidies.
239.
Nozick claims that as long
as people initially acquire property justly (i.e., through labor or
inheritance), they have a right not to have it taken from them through
taxation
for distribution to others. Critics claim, however, that this overlooks
two
significant points, namely:
(a) the State has the obligation to protect individuals' private
property, and
only an unlimited form of capitalism can produce a just society.
(b) the legitimate use of power by the State is limited to preventing
fraud or
the use of force, and the confiscation of property through taxation is
equivalent to forcing people to work for others.
(c) socialism and liberalism achieve justice through distributing goods
to all
members of a society, and that patterned distribution is based on a
history of
trade, labor, purchases, gifts, etc.
(d) the right to property is not an absolute right more important than
all
other rights, and the original acquisition of property almost always
involves
force, fraud, or some other injustice.
240.
According
to Nozick's
entitlement theory, the State is justified in taxing citizens to
protect them
from harm or loss of property. This justification of the State is Nozick's response to the anarchist demand for no
government
because (Nozick claims):
(a) even an anarchic society would have some government, civil laws,
and social
policies about matters other than those dealing solely with protection
(e.g.,
roads, schools, social security).
(b) in an anarchic society, people would hire others to protect their
rights,
and the strongest protection agency to emerge among competitors would
be the
State anyway.
(c) the absence of laws in an anarchy would be a war of "all against
all" in which the sheer act of collecting taxes would involve harm.
(d) without taxes, government would be able to provide neither
protection nor
goods and services such as roads, schools, or social security.
241.
Nozick argues that the
anarchist attempt to do away with all government would fail because
without the
State:
(a)
the unequal distribution of wealth is permitted only if the
existence of
such inequalities benefits everyone.
(b)
most people would risk being at the bottom of society if the payoff
were high
enough for those at the top.
(c)
people would hire agencies to protect their property; the biggest
agency to
emerge would be the State.
(d)
legitimate use of power would be limited to preventing fraud or the use
of
force.
242.
Nozick argues that the
State is justified in taking private property only if the property is
not
acquired fairly through trade, labor, gifts, inheritance, etc. But
critics
point out that this exception undermines his position because:
(a) only the State can own property, since ownership requires the
ability to
protect property and enforce laws.
(b) property cannot be acquired (through trade, labor, etc.) fairly
unless
everyone agrees to a social contract.
(c) if the State takes someone's "private" property, then the State's
action is by definition an unfair acquisition.
(d) if we look far enough back we discover that all property is
unfairly
acquired, either by force, fraud, or the sheer luck of having been born
with
certain skills or relatives.
243.
Which
of the following IS NOT an objection
raised against Nozick's
entitlement theory?
(a)
Communistic anarchism: we will not need the protection of the State if
we do
away with private property.
(b)
The unjust original acquisition of all property raises doubt about
whether any
ownership claim is justified.
(c)
The State's legitimate
power is limited to preventing harm and
protecting property rights.
(d)
The right to property is not an absolute right; there might be more
important
rights.
244.
In response to
anarchists and civil libertarians, we might argue that civil laws and
legal
coercion (that is, forcing someone to do something) are necessary to
protect
individual rights. Such a reply, though, would be insufficient
to justify the activities of many modern states,
because these governments:
(a) provide services that are concerned more with promoting the general
good
rather than protecting rights alone.
(b) seldom if ever claim to do anything except protect the rights of
their
citizens.
(c) are comprised of individuals whose rights do not need to be
protected by
government.
(d) are democratically elected and are therefore justified in passing
laws in
regard to any area that the majority sees fit.
245.
"A
man is just in the same way that a state is
just. When each of the three orders in the state does its own proper
work, the
state is just. Only when a man has linked the three parts of his nature
together in well-tempered harmony will he go about doing what he does
honorably." Here:
(a) Marcuse shows how under advanced
capitalism no
individual can ever achieve the balance or harmony of personality
needed to
have the good life.
(b) Plato indicates how balance of parts in the just state parallels
the
balance of parts of the soul in the just person.
(c) Mill claims that the state is just only when it limits its
intrusion in the
lives of its citizens to matters where harm to others is involved.
(d) Mussolini suggests that the only way the state can be just is if
the
individuals who make up the state are themselves just.
246.
"A
legitimate covenant is based on the social
contract because it can have no end but the common good. Individuals
see the
good and reject it; the public desires the good but does not see it.
Both
equally need guidance. Individuals must be obliged to subordinate their
will to
their reason; the public must be taught to recognize what it desires."
In
this passage:
(a) Mill defines the social good as the greatest happiness for the
greatest
number.
(b) Nozick indicates how personal
interests prevent
us from knowing what is good and what is not.
(c) Locke argues that individuals in the state of nature need to be
educated to
form societies.
(d) Rousseau claims that individuals should submit to legitimate social
contracts because, in doing so, they obey nobody but their own will.
247.
Political
authority is usually understood as
legitimate as long as it does not violate certain principles. Which of
the
following IS NOT one of those principles?
(a)
the priority of negative rights over positive rights.
(b)
morality or the common good as determined by natural law.
(c)
universal human rights.
(d)
respect for individuals' freedom.
248.
Some
theorists claim that there are limits to what
nations are justified in doing to one another. Which of the following IS
NOT
one of the standard ways in which such limitations are spelled out?
(a)
Nations are allowed to attack one another only in cases of justified
warfare
(self-defense).
(b)
Nations are prohibited from violating one another's
sovereignty because principles of peace prohibit it.
(c)
Nations are not allowed to act in ways that highlight their different
cultural
or historical differences.
(d)
Nations are limited in their behavior toward one another only by their
power or
lack of power (realism).
249.
Proponents
of natural law theory (e.g., Thomas
Aquinas) claim that civil disobedience is justified if the State
exceeds its
political authority by imposing laws on its citizens that:
(a)
fail to acknowledge that every person has a right to ignore laws with
which he
or she disagrees.
(b)
are different from laws in other States and that make violations of
laws
criminal acts instead of acts of civil disobedience.
(c)
require the dissolution of private property and the redistribution of
wealth to
all citizens equally.
(d)
violate the common good or personal conscience, or are unauthorized and
distribute burdens inequitably.
250.
Critics of "just war" theory
point out that the theory is ultimately unable to support the view that
wars are
sometimes justified because the theory:
(a) in fact, is never used as either an excuse for
or a
justification of going to war.
(b) fails to explain exactly what is
meant by a "just cause," "last resort," "proportionate
response," or "combatant."
(c) fails
to acknowledge that there is a distinction between wars that are
justified and
those that are not.
(d) fails
to recognize how some nations go to war to impose their views on others.
Answers:
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